Forced or by Choice? Motives for Accepting Casual Work

Keywordscasual worker involuntary motives labour flexibility transnational firm voluntary motives

JEL Classification J22, L61, M54

Full Article

1. Introduction

Over the past three decades, nonstandard forms of work have been more prevalent in many developing and developing nations (Gouzoulis et al., 2023). Globalisation was also thought to have an impact on the use of non-standard labour, which led to a demand for flexible labour markets (Boodhoo, 2022; Fore and Ukpere, 2021; Leathwood and Read, 2022). Similar to this, Zakari et al. (2022) contend that the use of nonstandard workers was required in order to adapt to the expanding globalisation and more unstable conditions on the international market. From an employer’s perspective, casualisation of labour means improved labour flexibility and cost reduction (Bayo, 2019; Colfer et al., 2023; Kalejaiye, 2014; Haapanala, 2022; Reljic et al., 2023). Okafor (2022) also makes the case that most firms have embraced the practice of using casual labour in an effort to maximise profits while remaining competitive. In Zimbabwe, atypical forms of employment increased as a result of Zimbabwe’s labour flexibility changes, which, according to Trif et al. (2023) and Estlund (2023) provided employers with the freedom to hire and fire employees with ease. Taking advantage of the labour market flexibility, need to reduce costs and remain competitive, Zimbabwean labour market have progressively incorporated non-standard work arrangements such as casual work (Chitiyo, 2019; Ogli et al., 2021). The demand for casual work has also increased in Zimbabwean local and foreign enterprises despite its well-known negative impacts on employees (Labour Market Outlook, 2018). Given the fact that a majority of companies are replacing the job for life concept with atypical form of work, workers are left with no option but to accept non-standard work (Lamb et al., 2021). The increase in the demand for atypical work has been attributed to a number of factors (Sobral et al., 2021). Several studies (Chambel and Sobral, 2019; Radliska and Gardziejewska, 2022; Rajthilak et al., 2021) showed that some workers accept nonstandard work because they need flexibility, work-life balance, and shorter hours, while others end up in temporary employment because there aren’t enough opportunities for suitable permanent employment. In addition, research conducted in Europe and the US (Amuedo-Dorantes, 2000; DiNatale, 2001; Morris and Vekker, 2001; Remery et al., 2002) showed that involuntary nonstandard workers prefer permanent employment to temporary work. On the other hand, Lo Presti and Pluviano (2019) argue that voluntary atypical workers prefer nonstandard work arrangements to permanent positions (Krausz, 2000). Some other authors (Baert and Verhaest, 2019; Burgess, 1997; Vlandas and Halikiopoulou, 2019; Thompson and Dahling, 2019) attributed the reasons for accepting casual work to structural changes in the economy, demographic forces via a significant increase in female labour force participation, and the high unemployment rate. Although individuals’ reasons for accepting casual employment differ, it is still unknown why so many workers in a developing country like Zimbabwe are accepting this new form of employment. Hence, this study sought to explore motives for accepting casual work at a transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. The study’s question is classified as follows: “Why do workers choose to be employed as casual workers?”

2. Literature Review

This study is guided by Ryan and Deci’s (2000) Self Determination Theory.

2.1. Ryan and Deci’s (2000) Self-Determination Theory

According to the Self-determination theory, people utilise controlled and autonomous motivation. Workers that are motivated autonomously experience a strong sense of choice (Burgess, Enzle, and Schmaltz, 2004). In contrast, people who experience controlled motivation feel compelled and guided by forces outside of themselves. It is possible to connect the motivation for taking casual employment with the self-determination theory. According to De Cuyper and De Witte (2009), the self-determination theory’s provisions that distinguish between autonomous and controlled reasons are consistent with both voluntary and involuntary motivations for accepting casual employment. The self-determination theory describes the controlled motive as a forced acceptance of one action to avoid another that is not desired (Gagne and Deci, 2005). The voluntary motive, conversely, reflects autonomous motives, as outlined by Ryan and Deci (2000). In line with the self-determination theory, the choice dimension’s two extremes for accepting casual work are understood to be voluntary and involuntary motives (Deci, 2000).

2.2. Motives for Accepting Casual Work

Numerous authors describe motives for accepting atypical forms of employment as supply-side factors that persuade or force employees to accept non-standard types of employment (Barker, 2007; Mitlacher, 2007; Lo Presti et al., 2019; Mills, 2004; Rajthilak and Kumar, 2021; Sobral et al., 2021). High unemployment rates, shifting demographics, and the need for flexibility are a few examples of supply-side factors that influence or push individuals to take informal labour (Mills, 2004; Matilla-Santander et al., 2021; Sánchez-Sánchez and Fernández Puente, 2021; Silaban et al., 2021). Canzio et al. (2022), Gallagher (2008), Rajthilak and Kumar (2021) identify the need for work flexibility and the need for work-life balance as voluntary supply-side factors, which pull workers to accept casual work. While Marule et al. (2019) and Bendapudi et al. (2003) divide the reasons for accepting casual labour into forced and by choice motives, Rajthilak and Kumar (2021) divide them into involuntary and voluntary motives. The need to balance work and non-work interests, the chance to supplement income, the desire to acquire new skills and work-related experience, and the hope of obtaining a full-time position in the future, were among the reasons given for accepting casual labour (Liu, 2019; Marule et al., 2019; Nielsen et al., 2019; Silaban et al., 2021; Tan and Tan, 2002). Krausz (2000) divides the reasons for taking up atypical forms of employment into voluntary and involuntary reasons. Since the reasons for accepting casual labour are described in a variety of ways, this study examined them by utilising the voluntary and involuntary dichotomy.

2.3. Voluntary Motives

The freedom that casual work may provide is used to evaluate the voluntariness of motives (Silaban et al., 2021; Tan and Tan, 2002). A worker’s choice for casual employment versus permanent employment drives their voluntary motivations (Marule et al., 2019; Roberts, 2008). Numerous scholars have highlighted a variety of voluntarily held reasons for accepting temporary employment (Matilla-Santander et al., 2021; Sánchez-Sánchez and Fernández Puente, 2021; Silaban et al., 2021). Gallagher (2008) cites personal flexibility and a need for work-life balance as voluntary reasons for embracing unconventional work arrangements. Rajthilak and Kumar (2021) mention self-improvement and the ability to balance work and personal obligations as voluntary motivations for accepting atypical forms of employment. Personal preference is also an optional explanation for accepting casual work (De Cupper and Dewitte, 2007). Voluntary reasons for accepting casual labour are presented below.

2.3.1. Balancing Family and Work Responsibility

Increased demand for casual labour is a result of shifts in the workforce’s demographics, which are characterised by a large influx of young and female workers (Fuller and Raman, 2019; Livanos and Pouliakas, 2019; Tilly, 1991). According to a research study conducted by Tilly (1991), two-thirds of women and 16% of young males between the ages of 16 and 21 prefer non-standard forms of work. Casey and Alach (2014), who contend that women with multiple responsibilities actively select informal work in an effort to balance work and non-work activities, support the afore-mentioned claims. In this context, a study by Russo et al. (2017) discovered that most female casual employees, in contrast to males, do not seek a permanent job, since they want to balance work and family duties. The Breadwinner Family model assumes that women’s dual responsibilities will probably persuade them to freely embrace casual work. Krilic et al. (2018) concur, stating that women are likely to demand unconventional contracts to alleviate their double burden owing to their dual roles or double burden.

Sociologists suggest that a person’s priorities in terms of job and family responsibilities are quite important. Therefore, the capacity to strike a balance between work and family life determines how motivated women are to work (Jackson and Fransman, 2018; Kohli, 1993). Similarly, the Role Conflict Theory postulates that employees who have a number of conflicting duties are more prone to experience role conflict. The theory further assumes that when faced with conflicting roles, employees choose unconventional work arrangements that allow them to balance work and leisure time. Kelliher et al. (2019) argue that workplace flexibility theories assist employees to reduce work-family conflict. Conversely, Pocock (2018) claims that female employees, who chose casual work because of its flexibility, reported losing role control and experiencing conflict at work. Similarly, Hosking and Western’s (2008) study of casual employees revealed that casual work does not effectively reduce work-family problems.

2.3.2. Economic Incentive

The need for financial incentive was recognised by Luva et al. (2018) as one of the voluntary motivations for seeking and accepting casual labour. According to Campbell, and Burgess (2018), in some labour markets, casual workers receive a casual loading on their hourly rate of pay. Awards and agreements with casual clauses sometimes offer a casual loading of about 25% through Enterprise Agreements (ABS, 2012). According to Campbell (2016), casual employees receive financial incentives, which make up for benefits that they do not receive such as social security benefits and vacation time. Stanford’s (2021) study found no evidence to support the claim that the total remuneration for a casual worker, including casual loading, is higher than the total compensation for permanent employees. Similar to this, Smith and Ewer (1999) and Berg (2017) contend that not all casual workers receive the casual loading payment, whilst it does not entirely make up for all lost benefits.

2.3.3. Self-improvement

The career mobility theory provides the greatest justification for the self-improvement motive. According to the theory, people accept atypical forms of employment that do not require many years of experience to gain work-related experience and skills that they can use in future (Büchel and Mertens, 2000). Similar findings were made by Bernhard-Oettel and Isaksson (2017), who discovered that younger workers actively seek out casual employment to gain much-needed work-related experience. According to Freese and Kroon (2013), casual employees consent to a non-standard work arrangement to gain employable skills and specialised job experience. Additionally, Pocock et al. (2009) assert that non-standard forms of employment provide employees with work-related experience and employable abilities, which many organisations desire.

2.4. Involuntary Motives

According to Gagne and Deci (2005), the self-determination theory’s-controlled motives refer to an unwilling or coerced acceptance of an activity to avoid engaging in a different undesirable behaviour. As a result, the involuntary motive is connected to the challenge of finding a permanent job. To avoid unemployment, workers are forced to accept casual employment (Matilla-Santander et al., 2021; Sánchez-Sánchez and Fernández Puente, 2021; Heinrich et al., 2005). The involuntary reasons for accepting casual labour are discussed in the section that follows.

2.4.1. Unemployment/ Limited Fulltime Employment Opportunities

According to Buddelmeyer and Wooden (2007), moving from unemployment to employment can be accomplished through atypical forms of employment. A study by Casey and Alach (2004) shows that workers embrace unusual kinds of work because they find it difficult to acquire full-time jobs. This study concluded that males dominate the group of involuntary motives, whereas females dominate the group of voluntary reasons for accepting casual jobs. In a different study, Mollo and Emuze (2018) discovered that employees accept casual work because they struggle to find full-time employment in both private and public firms. The study also showed that workers accept casual labour in recession times, characterised by massive layoffs, retrenchments, and few job opportunities to make ends meet.

2.4.2. Stepping Stone Hypothesis

Freese and Kroon (2013) argue that casual workers embrace unconventional jobs as a stepping stone to full-time employment. The self-determination theory explains the stepping-stone notion. The Self-determination theory’s controlled and autonomous motives entail an action that results in the accomplishment of a certain goal (Ryan et al., 1996). Workers unwittingly accept casual employment to pursue their aim of permanent employment, which is part of the stepping-stone motive (Ryan et al., 1996). A study by Givord and Wilner (2015) found that casual work makes it more likely to obtain a permanent job with the same employer in the future. Contrarily, a study by Amuedo-Dorantes, Malo, and Muoz-Bullón (2008) shows that temporary workers in Spain have a lower chance of moving to permanent roles. In a similar vein, a study by Cai, Law, and Bathgate (2014) discovered that part-time employment does not serve as a steppingstone to permanent employment. Supporting the above arguments, Bruno, Caroleo, and Dessy (2012) posit that there is no evidence that casual employment serves as a stepping-stone to permanent employment.

3. Research Methodology

3.1. Research Setting and Participants

For this study, a sample of 16 participants (9 male; 7 female) was selected. Purposive sampling method was used to locate all the participants. Key informants were selected from union officials and managers at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. Inclusion criteria were for research participants with at least six months work experience.

3.2. Profiles of Research Participants

"CA" was used as a code to identify the casual workers who participated in the study, while "MS" and "UR" were used to identify the managerial staff and union representatives, respectively. Table 1 below provides a summary of the profiles of the research participants and interview duration. 

Table 1: Participants’ profiles and interview duration

Participants’ ages, as stated in Table 1 above, varied from 18 to 35 years old. Only five people had O-level certificates, two had diplomas, seven had bachelor’s degrees, and only two had master’s degrees. The participants had been employed by the transnational manufacturing company in Zimbabwe for at least six months.

3.3. Data Collection

Data on the motives of for accepting casual work were collected using semi-structured interviews. The use of interviews is consistent with Fontana (2010), who argued that face-to-face semi-structured interviews enable deeper inquiry to elucidate meanings. The study utilised semi-structured interviews because some of the participants were semi-literate and that the researchers wanted to probe further on unclearly presented responses. The data gathered by the researchers is deemed accurate because probing questions were used to elicit supplementary information or clarification from participants on unclearly presented responses.

3.4. Data Analysis

According to Saunders et al. (2018), data analysis is the process of organising, categorising, and assessing data. The researcher followed the six steps outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006) for thematic data analysis, including becoming familiar with the data, developing preliminary codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining, and labelling themes, and writing the report. The NVivo computer-based qualitative data analysis system assisted and improved thematic data analysis. Table 2 below shows key word, which were generated by the NVivo computer-based qualitative data analysis system.

Table 2: Key words appearance and frequency

Source: Author’s fieldwork

3.5. Strategies to Ensure Data Quality

According to Burns and Grove (2011), qualitative research should apply tactics of trustworthiness, such as credibility, conformability, and transferability, to ensure high-quality data. Therefore, by keeping these four factors of trustworthiness, this study ensured the quality of the data. The study ensured credibility by providing a thorough literature review, peer debriefing, and member validation. This study provided descriptions of the research setting, profiles of participants and data analysis, making it possible for other researchers to institute transferability if their situations are similar to this study. The researchers produced an audit trail of the entire research process to guarantee conformability. Lastly, this study outlined the research methodology to enable future researchers to replicate the study to test dependability.

3.6. Ethical Consideration

The researcher observed all ethical issues in the research. Blumberg et al. (2014) argues that ethical consideration aims to ensure that research is conducted in a moral and responsible way. The researcher, therefore, took every effort to observe ethical issues in research, which encompassed: informed consent, treatment of all the research participants with care and respect as human beings. Moreover, research participants were not forced to participate, and names of participants remained anonymous to minimise harm when privacy and confidentiality issues are violated.

4. Findings of the Study

The results of the study were organised into themes and sub-themes, which emerged during data analysis. The subthemes that emerged during data analysis included limited fulltime employment, need for work-related experience, balancing work and family activities, flexibility, and the need to obtain full-time employment. These sub-themes were categorised into two major themes, namely voluntary and involuntary motives. The themes and sub-themes that emerged from the study are presented in Table 3 below.

Table 3: Themes and sub-themes from the study

Source: Author’s fieldwork

Table 3 above shows subthemes and themes that emerged from the study. The subthemes were categorised into two major themes, namely voluntary and involuntary motives.

4.1. Data Frequency

The study’s findings show that a majority of the participants indicated that they involuntarily accepted casual work. However, a few of the research participants expressed that they voluntarily accepted casual work at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. The research participants’ response rate is shown in Table 4 below.

Table 4: Themes and data frequency

Source: Author’s fieldwork

Table 4 above shows that nine participants involuntarily accepted casual work. Only seven research participants at the transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe voluntarily accepted casual work. Themes and sub-themes are discussed below.

4.2. Participants’ Quotes

The question posed to research participants was aimed at eliciting their reasons for accepting casual work at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. A majority of research participants indicated that they involuntarily accepted casual work. Table 5 below illustrates participants’ quotes in this respect.

Table 5: Participants’ quotes on involuntary motive for accepting casual work

Source: Author’s fieldwork

As shown above, a majority of research participants expressed that they were forced by unfavourable circumstances to accept casual work. Their sentiments centred on limited fulltime employment and need to get permanent employment.

4.3. Voluntary Motives for Accepting Casual Work

The study’s findings show that seven of the sixteen participants accepted casual work at the transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe voluntarily. Their related responses are presented below.

- “The flexibility that casual work offers motivated me to accept it.” (CA1);

- “Casual work allows me to do my side hustles, which is the reason I settled for casual work.” (CA5);

- “This form of work allows me to have time on my broiler keeping project at home.” (CA10);

- ‘I accepted casual work to gain the much-needed work related experience.” (CA7);

-  “The need to gain skills and experience is the major reason that motivated me to accept casual work.” (CA3);

- “Casual workers need work related experiences and look for fulltime jobs elsewhere.” (MS3); and

-  “Women accept casual work so that they reduce their dual burden.” (MS1).

4.4. Discussion of the Findings

The goal of this study was to explore motives for accepting casual work at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. Research participants’ responses generated two major themes, namely voluntary and involuntary motives. Involuntary motives (limited full-time employment, stepping-stone to permanent positions) were the most frequently-mentioned theme. However, a couple of research participants revealed that they voluntarily settled for casual work at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. The sub-themes identified by participants under voluntary motives include ability to balance work and non-work activities, need to gain work-related experience and economic incentives. The following section presents a discussion of the themes and sub-themes that emerged from the study.

4.5. Involuntary Motives

A majority of the research participants revealed that they were forced by unfavourable circumstances to accept casual work at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. These participants identified high rates of unemployment, limited permanent position prospects and stepping-stone to a permanent position as major factors, which forced them to accept casual work.

4.5.1. High rate of Unemployment/Limited Fulltime Employment

The study’s findings show that workers accept casual work because of limited full-time employment prospects and the high rate of unemployment. Hence, CA6 remarked: “High rate of unemployment has pushed me to accept casual work.” Supporting the above viewpoints, Buddelmeyer and Wooden (2007) argue that atypical forms of work are a means of transitioning from unemployment to employment. Similarly, a study by Casey and Alach (2004) found that men accept atypical forms of employment owing to high unemployment rates and difficulty to find full-time employment. Another study by Mollo and Emuze (2018) found that workers accept casual work because they struggle to obtain full-time work in private and public companies.

4.5.2. Stepping-stone to Permanent Job

Some participants indicated that they accepted casual work involuntarily as a bridge to full-time employment with the same employer in future. In this regard, UR1 said: “They accept casual work with the aim of getting fulltime employment later.” The perspectives of UR1 are in line with Freese and Kroon (2013), who aver that workers are forced to accept atypical forms of employment as a stepping-stone to full-time employment owing to their circumstances. Similarly, Ryan et al. (1996) posit that workers accept casual work involuntarily to pursue their aim of obtaining permanent employment in future. In contrast, a study by Amuedo-Dorantes, Malo and Muñoz-Bullón (2008) found that temporary workers in Spain have less probability of securing permanent positions. In addition, Bruno, Caroleo and Dessy (2012) argue that there is little evidence to suggest that casual work is a bridge to permanent positions for most casual workers.

4.6. Voluntary Motives

A total of seven of the sixteen research participants indicated that they accepted casual work voluntarily. These participants identified the need to balance work and family responsibilities and self-improvement as reasons for accepting casual work.

4.6.1. Work-related Experience

The study’s findings show that accepting casual work can be a useful strategy to obtain work-related experience and skills. Hence, CA3 stated: “The need to improve my work skills and work-related experience motivated me to accept casual work.” The career mobility theory reinforces the afore-mentioned points of view, which assume that people accept casual work, as it requires less years of experience to obtain work-related experience and skills for future use. Similarly, Freese and Kroon (2013) mention that workers actively seek non-standard work arrangements to gain employable skills and specialised job experience.

4.6.2. Balancing Work and Family Responsibilities

Because casual work is linked to flexibility, some of the research participants asserted that casual employment enables them to manage their work and family roles. In this regard, CA1 said: “The flexibility that casual work offers, motivated me to accept it.’’  C1 aligns with Casey and Alach’s (2004) sentiments that women with dual roles accept casual work voluntarily in a bid to balance their work and family responsibilities. Similarly, a study by Russo et al. (1997) found out that a majority of female casual workers, unlike males, do not want a permanent job because of their desire to balance work and family responsibilities. The breadwinner family model also supports the above arguments by assuming that the dual role of women is likely to entice them to voluntarily accept casual work. Conversely, a Pocock (2008) study discovered that female employees who chose casual work because of the flexibility that it affords, reported losing role control and experiencing conflict at work. Hosking and Western’s (2008) study of temporary employees also revealed that casual work does not reduce work-family problems effectively.

5. Conclusions

5.1. Contribution of the Study

This study contributes both theoretically and practically by presenting a new stream of cutting-edge knowledge concerning reasons that influence the decision to accept casual work. The researcher believes that the study to unearth reasons for accepting casual work is topical and has contributed to the corpus of knowledge and theories on the demand for non-standard work arrangements. Employers would also benefit from the study, since they would be aware of the causes of the high demand for casual work and could then design effective intervention strategies that support casual workers.

5.2. Limitations and Direction for Future Studies

The study had certain limitations. The goal was to investigate why workers accept casual employment at a single transnational manufacturing company in Zimbabwe. The study’s findings cannot be generally extended to all foreign-owned enterprises in Zimbabwe. This qualitative study used semi-structured interviews, which have their own set of limitations in terms of research. A mixed-methods research approach may have assisted to clarify the study’s findings. Future studies that probe reasons why people accept casual work should place a strong emphasis on gender as a moderating element. Further, quantitative, or mixed-method approaches could be used to collect data on factors that influence motives to accept casual employment.

5.3. Conclusion

The study’s findings suggest that many casual workers at the transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe accepted casual work involuntarily. In general, the country’s high unemployment rate and a lack of permanent employment prospects compelled many employees to accept casual work at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. Nevertheless, few research participants freely accepted casual employment at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe. In conclusion, it may be claimed that casual employees at the case transnational manufacturing firm in Zimbabwe were forced by unfavourable circumstances to accept casual work. To support casual workers, organisations need to understand factors that lead workers to accept atypical forms of contracts, whilst developing appropriate intervention programmes.

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Author Contributions: Nyasha Mapira: Writing - Original Draft. Jeremy Mitonga-Monga: Writing, Supervision, Review and Editing. Wilfred Isioma Ukpere: Writing, Supervision, Review and Editing.

Acknowledgements: The Authors would like to thank all participants, who participated in this study

Funding: This research was funded by the Department of Industrial Psychology and People Management, College of Business and Economics, University of Johannesburg.

Conflicts of Interest: The authors state that they have no conflicts of interest.

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